On Labor Day, remembering union violence in America

On Labor Day, remembering union violence in America
Haymarket Square incident (Image via The Lid)

Something usually not discussed on Labor Day weekend is the violence and thuggery which has always been part of the union movement. The history of the labor movement in the U.S. is littered with extremists who use violence to get their way.

At the beginning, the violence was directed outward, toward the government, management, or the police who were using violence themselves to destroy the labor movement. As the movement matured, the abuse became directed inward, targeted toward keeping the rank and file “in line,” going after replacement workers, or sabotaging the particular company under siege.

Union thuggery/violence has also become a political weapon, attacking members of the public who may disagree with the progressive-socialist politics championed by union management.

To show the evolution of union violence, here are a few of the many examples of violence committed by Big Labor.

Trending: Media bury mass shooting because the shooter was black (but so were his victims)

The Haymarket Square Incident, May 1886

Led by the Knights of Labor (one of the first national unions), workers at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Co. in Chicago began a strike in the hope of gaining an 8-hour workday. Two days later, on May 3, police were used to protect strikebreakers, and a scuffle broke out; one person was killed and several others injured.

On Tuesday, May 4, a mass meeting of workers was called to protest the police actions the previous day. A crowd of 20,000 had been expected, but it was a cold rainy day, so only about 2,500 showed up to hear speeches by Albert Parsons, Samuel Fielden, and August Spies.

Responding to pressure from businessmen, 600 police reserves were called in duty that night at the West Chicago, Harrison, and Central stations near the site of the protests. An extra 100 officers were added to the Des Plains station, less than a half-block from Haymarket Square.

The rally began at 8:30 pm and the crowd was calm (and wet from the rain). Chicago Mayor Harrison rode by on his horse a short time later and was satisfied that the protest was peaceful. He ordered the police inspector to send the reserve officers home. The police inspector refused and two hours later, he ordered his men to disperse the crowd. The speakers were approached by Police Captain William Ward, who commanded the meeting to end in the “name of the people of Illinois.” Just then, a pipe bomb was thrown from a vestibule at Randolph and Des Plains Streets. The bomb exploded in the middle of a column of police. One officer was killed instantly, and six others were mortally wounded. The remaining officers quickly recovered and began shooting wildly into the fleeing crowd of laborers. The shooting continued for more than five minutes.

Looking for the person who threw the bomb, officers began a reign of terror among working-class citizens in Chicago. Hundreds of suspects were arrested, beaten and interrogated at all hours of the night. “Confessions” were beaten out of those thought to be “anarchists” or sympathizers of the labor unions.

Despite the brutal response, the person responsible for the bombing was never caught. Nevertheless, in the end, eight anarchists were put on trial, and seven were convicted of conspiracy to commit murder. Four were hanged in November 1887, one committed suicide, and three were later pardoned by Illinois Gov. John Peter Altgeld.

The Haymarket Massacre was an event that changed the direction of the American Labor movement. It delayed acceptance of the Knights of Labor’s key issue, the eight-hour workday, because people left the K.O.L. and moved toward the more moderate American Federation of Labor. For many years the police at Haymarket Square were regarded as martyrs and the workers as violent anarchists, a view that has moderated as history has discovered and revealed new information.

 The assassination of former Idaho Governor Frank Steunenberg, 1905

Due to strong support by the state’s union membership, Steunenberg, a Democrat, was elected as the first non-Republican governor of Idaho in 1896. He was reelected in 1898. The governor was seen as a reliable supporter of labor, particularly within the mining industry.

Fearful that Steunenberg’s government would not provide them with support if the workers strike, the mine owners increased wages for workers. Well, except for one, the Bunker Hill Mining Company.

In 1899 the Western Federation of Miners launched an organizing drive at the Bunker Hill Mining Company. Mine Superintendent Albert Burch declaring that the company would rather “shut down and remain closed twenty years” than to recognize the union. Next, he fired seventeen suspected union members. Burch followed up by demanding that all other union men collect their back pay and quit. In other words, he declared war.

On April 29, 1899, 250 striking union miners seized a train in Burke, Idaho and drove it to the site of a mill for the Bunker Hill mine. There, the union miners set off three thousand pounds of dynamite, destroying the mill. Two men were killed, one of them a non-union miner, and another a union man accidentally shot by other union miners.

In response, Governor Steunenberg declared martial law and asked President William McKinley to send federal troops to quell the unrest. This action was seen as a betrayal by Steunenberg’s union supporters. Martial law remained in place through the end of his term. This was seen as a horrible betrayal of the unions who got him elected.

Six years later at the end of 1905 a professional hitman for the mining unions named Harry Orchard killed Steunenberg, via a bomb rigged to go off when the former governor opened the gate to his home.

When captured, Orchard admitted to the murder and identified the people who hired him as the officials of the Western Federation of Miners who wanted to get back at the governor for his 1899 “betrayal.”

Three Federation leaders, who Orchard said had commissioned the assassination, were arrested. “Big Bill” Haywood, the Federation’s secretary-treasury (defended brilliantly by Clarence Darrow), was put on trial first. At the time, it was the trial of the century. The closing argument by Darrow’s co-council Edmund Richardson appealed to the racism of the jury:

They threw them in the dirty, vile-kept bullpens and they were subjected to all sorts of indignities and insults at the hands of those Negro soldiers. If you had been there … gentleman of the jury, it is certain that you would have attained in your breast a righteous hatred for every person who had anything to do with causing your humiliation and suffering.

Darrow followed and seemed to argue for what today would be called jury nullification, while not admitting to Haywood’s guilt, he argued that union violence is justified:

... I don’t care how many wrongs they committed, I don’t care how many crimes these weak, rough, rugged, unlettered men who often know no other power but the brute force of their strong right arm, who find themselves bound and confined and impaired whichever way they turn, who look up and worship the god of might as the only god that they know–I don’t care how often they fail, how many brutalities they are guilty of. I know their cause is just.

Haywood was found not guilty. A second union leader George Pettibone was acquitted in 1908 and charges against the union president Charles Moyer were dropped.

Progressive President Theodore Roosevelt wrote in a letter to the British ambassador that the Haywood trial verdict was “a gross miscarriage of justice, concluding, “I suppose the jury was terrorized.” He may have been right.

 Pittston coal strike Apr. 5, 1989 to Feb. 20, 1990

A strike against the Pittston, Tennessee mining company began when it ended health care benefits for approximately 1,500 retirees, widows, and disabled miners. The strikers also cited other reasons for the strike. The refusal of the company to contribute to the benefit trust established in 1950 for miners who retired before 1974 and the refusal of the company to bargain in good faith as grounds for their action. This long strike was declared by none other than AFL-CIO Chief Richard Trumka, who back then was the president of the United Mine Workers.

The strike was chock full of violence and intimidation.

Walt Crickmer remembers the strike. He was in the lead coal truck when the rocks rained down, smashing every windshield in the convoy and setting the tone for an 11-month standoff.

Crickmer said that, despite the union’s message of nonviolence, violence by union supporters was ongoing – though mostly by those arriving from out-of-state [Using out-of-state workers to be the “bad guys” is a tactic being used today in Wisconsin]

Fifteen tractor-trailer loads of coal escorted by 10 state police cruisers followed Crickmer on that first day of the strike, rolling down a mile-long road lined with picketers from the mine to the prep plant.

“The convoy did not go half a mile before every windshield of every vehicle, including the state police cruisers, was knocked out, and at least 50 percent of every tire on those trucks and cars were jackrocked and flat,” Crickmer said.

“There were at least 500 pickets in the woods, all in camo, and it was a constant rain of large rocks and jackrocks,” he said.

“I saw state police rolling out of their cars, hunkered down behind their cruisers as the rocks just pelted them, rocks the size of footballs taking out windshields and side glass,” he said. “It didn’t quit the rest of the strike. Every day was the same.”

… Every day was the same. It was like you were in a big giant battle, a war, and you became accustomed to the intensity of it, they came home with you and they came to your house. They knocked out the windows in your house, they destroyed the windows in your car,” he said.

“At home they blew up your garage at your house, they would jackrock your driveway, your kids would come out going to school, they’d step on the jackrocks,” he said. “These are the kinds of things we heard from our hourly people constantly. … It was just unbelievable harassment.”

Jackrocks are a welded knot of nails, thrown onto the road with their sharp points upright to puncture tires.

“Whatever else you want to say about the UMW, they’re incredibly good at public relations, and they adopted a public relations policy that they would just call this a nonviolent strike and talk about nonviolent civil disobedience, but the reality was very different,” Kindig said. “There’s no question about it: I spent a good part of a year going to court on a regular basis and documenting in some detail the incidents of violence that occurred during the strike.”

While there were many violent acts and tactics carried out in the name of this strike and many people were injured, there were happily no deaths associated with it.

Circuit Court Judge Donald McGlothlin Jr, who imposed hefty fines on the union, declared:

[T]he evidence shows beyond any shadow of a doubt that violent activities are being organized, orchestrated and encouraged by the leadership of this union.

Looking back at the strike, Trumka called it “fun times.”

 New York Daily News strike, Oct. 25, 1990

The Daily News is the paper that made the “tabloid” format famous. Through its use of “in your face” headlines and large pictures, the News earned the spot as the paper of record for most of New York City throughout the 20th century. Sure the New York Times was the paper of record for the progressive elite, but real New Yorkers read the Daily News.

After months of labor tension, a violent strike against the newspaper was started following an unresolved dispute between a driver and a supervisor. The driver at the Brooklyn plant refused to abide by a supervisor’s order to work while standing on both feet. The driver contended that a disability entitled him to perform the work sitting down. Calling a temporary work action, 60 union drivers refused to deliver the paper early that morning. The newspaper responded by calling the move a full-blown strike and hired 60 replacement drivers. According to reports in the Los Angeles Times:

Seven of the newspaper’s ten unions followed the drivers’ lead, said George McDonald, head of the Allied Printing Trades Council, the umbrella group for the unions. A ninth union, the Newspaper Guild, said it would honor the picket lines.The 10th union, the typographical union, had said it would not strike because it has lifetime-guaranteed jobs for its 200 members.

On the first day of the Daily News strike, trucks were attacked with stones and sticks. And things took off from there per the Freeman Online:

… News vendors have been intimidated, beaten, bombed, and shot. Newsstands and their inventories have been looted, bombed, and trashed. Delivery trucks have been bombed and torched, and their drivers have been beaten. Members of the general public who have been imprudent or unlucky enough to be close to acts of sabotage have been injured, and even more of them have been endangered. As Michael Gartner has aptly pointed out, this no-holds-barred attack against the newspaper amounts to thugs’ attempting to tell us what we can and cannot read.

James Hoge, the publisher of the Daily News, alleged that there had been some 700 serious acts of violence. The New York Police Department claimed knowledge of “only” 229 incidents of violence.

While the strike was eventually settled, the paper took a long time to recover. The year afterward, the Tribune Company sold the paper to millionaire Robert Maxwell to help it stay in business. When Maxwell died shortly after that, the Daily News was held together in bankruptcy by existing management, led by Editor James Willse, who became the interim publisher. After Mort Zuckerman bought the paper in 1993, it stabilized but never returned to its earlier glory. The Daily News, which once had a circulation of over one million and for most of the 20th century was the largest newspaper in the United States, has a daily circulation of a little more than five hundred thousand.

 The murder of Eddie York, 1993

As head of the United Mine Workers, Richard Trumka ordered a nationwide strike against Peabody Coal in 1993. On July 22, a non-union worker, Eddie York, was shot in the back of the head and killed as he attempted to pass striking coal workers. Picketers continued to throw rocks after York was shot, preventing his would-be rescuers from assisting. This is how the incident was described in court papers:

On July 22, 1993, heavy equipment was taken to the sediment pond to perform the legally-mandated environmental corrections. Two Deskins employees, Marion Hensley (Hensley) and John Edward York (York), were assigned to travel to the sediment pond in separate company trucks owned by Deskins and to remove sludge from the sediment pond. Hensley arrived at the sediment pond on the morning of July 22, 1993, and was later joined by York between 12:30 p.m. and 1:00 p.m. …

At approximately 5:00 p.m., a Ford Bronco driven by Larry Kopplin of Elite and a Chevrolet Club Cab driven by another employee of Elite, left the guard shack at the entrance of the Ruffner Mine to provide an escort through the picket line for Hensley and York. As the two-car convoy travelled up Slab Fork Hollow Road and passed the picket line, the Ford Bronco was hit by a steel ball shot from a wrist rocket launched by one of the pickets. The ball hit the Ford Bronco below the glass on the passenger side. As the security vehicles were proceeding up Slab Fork Hollow Road toward the sediment pond, the pickets heard a loud noise, which some pickets believed to be a backfire. Others believed the noise was a firecracker, and still others thought it was a gun shot resulting from one of the security guards firing into the air.

As the vehicle driven by Kopplin approached the area where the pickets were waiting, his Ford Bronco was pelted with rocks, smashing the windshield. Hensley’s vehicle suffered the same attack, with his windshield being broken. When York saw the rock attack, he initially slowed down and then sped up. As he was approaching the rock throwers, a bullet, fired from the creek side of Slab Fork Hollow Road from the area Lowe had positioned himself, entered the rear window of his pick-up truck, striking York in the head and killing him instantly. York’s vehicle came to rest on the side of Slab Fork Hollow Road opposite the creek. The Chevrolet Club Cab’s back passenger window was also struck by a bullet from the same area on the creek side of Slab Fork Hollow Road.

In a detailed account of the York murder and subsequent investigation, Reader’s Digest noted that “UMW President Richard Trumka did not publicly discipline or reprimand a single striker present when York was killed. In fact, all eight were helped out financially by the local.” Eventually, the union agreed to let the company “dismiss the eight original defendants if they were convicted,” but when the company “issued letters of dismissal to the seven pickets who pleaded guilty,” the union filed a grievance on their behalf.

Trumka and other UMW officials were charged in a $27 million wrongful death suit by Eddie York’s widow. After fighting the lawsuit intensely for four years, UMW lawyers settled suddenly in 1997. Coincidentally the settlement came just two days after the judge in the case ruled evidence in the criminal trial would be admitted.

Anti-Tea Party violence, 2009

There was racial violence in St. Louis long before the Michael Brown shooting. Sometimes it was even condoned by the government. On August 6, 2009, Kenneth Gladney went to a town-hall meeting hosted by Rep. Russ Carnahan, a Missouri Democrat. While passing out “Don’t Tread on Me” flags, he was viciously attacked by SEIU members. One even called him an “n-word” and that was just the start.

According to Gladney:

A group of people with purple t-shirts were leaving the rally. As the group walked past me, I offered one of the gentlemen a Gadsden flag and a button. The man turned and looked at my board and said, “who in the fuck is selling this shit?” I replied “I am Sir, would you like a flag or a button?” He shouted at me, “What kind of nigger are you?!” Then, he grabbed my board, so I quickly grabbed it back, then the man punched me in the face and charged at me . I put my hands up to block the second blow from the large man, when two other people from that group grabbed me and threw me to the ground and started punching and kicking me. I was kicked in the head and in the back, legs and buttocks. Then a white woman ran up to me while I was on the ground and began kicking me in my head as well. A few people came to my rescue for which I am forever grateful.

This time the union violence was celebrated by the government:

St. Louis County officials waited until November 25 to press charges and then only after pressure from the public. Of course despite injuries to Gladney’s back, neck and legs the DA each were charged with the lightest possible version of assaulting a person and interfering with police. The NAACP protested the trial, not to support Gladney, but to get the charges against the SEIU thugs dropped. You see, Gladney deserved it because he was an Uncle Tom.

The attack on Kenneth Gladney was only the start. During the Obama administration, the leadership of big labor combined with the progressive federal government to attack an American middle class that grew weary of high taxes and big government. The assault of Kenneth Gladney was the first act of violence at any Tea Party rally, and there were others, none of which were initiated by the Tea Party. Unions spent much of the remainder of Obama’s presidency showing up at rallies and intimidating people who disagreed with Obamacare.

And it wasn’t just Obamacare. Members of the SEIU were shipped into Illinois protesting against budget cuts, demanding that the state raise taxes.

 Philadelphia ironworkers threaten and sabotage, 2015

According to prosecutors, “There has been a long tradition of night work within the Ironworkers Local 401 stretching back 50 years or more, the defendants, in this case, took (it) to a new level.” Nightwork is slang for after-work violence.

Union ironworkers decided to make rounds at non-union sites around Philadelphia threatening builders, smashing beams and ultimately burning down a Quaker Meeting House just before the Christmas holiday.

The New York Times reported the burning of the Quaker meeting house:

The $5.8 million building was being constructed for the Chestnut Hill Friends, a Quaker community in a northern section of Philadelphia. Cuts in the steel columns that make up the building’s frame were made with an acetylene torch, indicating that the attack was carried out by someone with both the equipment and the expertise to operate it, the police say, suggesting that it may have been the work of trade unionists who were disgruntled after being refused work on the site.

Other incidents happened at apartments complexes, elementary schools, boutiques, coffee shops, and a gym.

“The defendants used ‘goon squads,’ which included union members and associates who committed assaults, arsons and other violent and destructive acts, to make their point emphatically clear,” said US Attorney Memeger. “That point, to any contractor or builder, was, ‘You better hire local ironworker union members, or you will pay a heavy price.’”

One group even alleged called themselves “‘THUG’ — The Helpful Union Guys,” according to Memeger.

Witnesses also described torching another construction site; attacking nonunion workers and their cars with baseball bats; rumbling over jobs with the rival carpenters union; and flattening tires and causing other “mischief” on an 18-month picket line outside a new apartment complex.

Union violence since

Just before 9/11, a real-life example of the classic movie “On the Waterfront” took place. On September 9, 2011, members of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) frightened security guards, dumped grain, and vandalized property belonging to EGT, LLC, over a labor dispute. No one was hurt, and no one had been arrested at the time the incident was reported. District Judge Ronald Leighton ruled the longshore union in contempt of court for its protests and vandalism.

In 2012 Steven Crowder of the Louder With Crowder YouTube channel – then a Fox News commentator, was sucker-punched by a union thug when he dared to support Michigan’s Right to Work legislation.

In 2015, the Pennsylvania Convention Center Authority sued the Carpenters Union local in Philadelphia for racketeering, under the federal RICO statute. Per Philadelphia magazine, the Convention Center charged that beyond negotiation, the union had engaged in “belligerent brinksmanship,” and says when that failed, the union launched “a campaign of illegal violence and intimidation” including “illegal and disruptive mass picketing and protests; physical intimidation, harassment, stalking, and assault and battery; verbal intimidation, harassment, race-baiting, and threats; and the destruction of property.”

Cross posted at The Lid

Jeff Dunetz

Jeff Dunetz

Jeff Dunetz is editor and publisher of the The Lid, and a weekly political columnist for the Jewish Star and TruthRevolt. He has also contributed to Breitbart.com, HotAir, and PJ Media’s Tattler.


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